Liburan dengan suasana alami dan merasakan wilayah kepulauan dengan tepi pantai yang indah adalah sebuah wisata yang tak ternila

Liburan dengan suasana alami dan merasakan wilayah kepulauan dengan tepi pantai yang indah adalah sebuah wisata yang tak ternilai, mengingat aktivitas dan kesibukan perkotaan yang membuat jenuh pikiran dan tubuh. Alfah Tour hadir dengan menyediakan paket wisata yang murah dan berkualitas dengan mengedepankan kepuasan dan pelayanan dari kami untuk customer.

Alfah Tour & Travel menyediakan berbagai paket tour dengan harga yang berbeda – beda, sehingga customer bisa menyesuaikan dengan budgetnya, yang disesuaikan dengan fasilitas wisata yang diberikan. Alfah Tour telah berpengalaman dalam bidang pembuatan dan penanganan paket wisata, sehingga banyak dari customer kami secara berkala menggunakan jasa wisata kami. Untuk informasi lebih lanjut mengenai Alfah Tour, Anda bisa menghubungi kontak kami yang terdapat pada laman web ini.

pulau kembar yang berada di lautan teluk jakarta ini terdiri dari Pulau TidungBesar yang luasnya kurang lebih 50 hektare dan Pulau Tidung Kecil luasnya sekitar 30 hektare memang mempunyai daya tarik tersendiri dan layak untuk menjadi destinasi wisata yang pantas untuk dikunjungi, bahkan Metro TV menempatkan pulau tidung sebagai tempat wisata yang paling unik yang berada di Ibukota Jakarta. Keunikannya yaitu ketika anda memasuki pulau tidung besar anda akan disuguhkan keramahan penduduk setempat dan menginap di rumah penduduk yang dikemas menjadi homestay, serta anda dapat berkeliling kampung dengan menggunakan sepeda untuk menjelajah dari ujung / “Tanjongan” Barat Pulau Tidung sampai Tanjongan Timur. Di Pulau Tidung Kecil, anda akan dimanjakan dengan keasrian pulau yang sunyi dan menenangkan, cocok untuk ada yang  mencari ketenangan serta ingin jeda sejenak dari hiruk- pikuk dan sumpeknya kehidupan di kota.

Dan yang terpenting dan paling eksotis diantara kedua pulau itu terdapat jembatan yang membentang menjadi penghubung kedua pulau tidung itu, kondisi dan letak jembatan yang terbentang diatas lautan yang berwarna-warni serta melewati hamparan terumbu karang tersebut menjadikan pemandangan yang sangat luar biasa dan memukau mata siapapun yang melihatnya, sehingga jembatan yang disebut oleh para pengunjung sebagai “Jembatan Cinta” tak ayal lagi menjadi icon wisata pulau tidung bahkan wisata jakarta.

Kami Agent Perjalanan dan Akomodasi wisata anda ke Pulau Tidung serta pulau-pulau lainnya di Kepulauan Seribu. Personil kami yang terdiri dari puta-putri pribumi asli pulau tidung kami jadikan modal utama kami untuk senantiasa berusaha menjadikan liburan anda lebih nyaman dan mengesankan, karena selain menguasai medan kami juga berkomitmen agar lebih profesional dalam menemani liburan anda di Pulau Seribu, khususnya Pulau Tidung.

saco-indonesia.com, Aparat Resmob Polda Metro Jaya telah berhasil membekuk dua bandar judi koprok yang kerap membuka lapak di Ci

saco-indonesia.com, Aparat Resmob Polda Metro Jaya telah berhasil membekuk dua bandar judi koprok yang kerap membuka lapak di Cimanggis, Depok. Keduanya telah ditangkap dalam sebuah operasi pengamanan Natal dan Tahun Baru.

“Kedua tersangka tersebut , Gun dan Riki telah ditangkap pada tanggal, 18 Desember 2013 lalu,” kata Kasubdit Resmob AKBP Adex Yudiswan.

Adex juga menerangkan, terungkapnya perjudian tersebut telah berdasarkan laporan warga, dimana para tersangka telah membuka lapak perjudian jenis koprok di rumah pelaku RK alias Riki di Jalan Raya Bogor Km 29 Palsigung Cimanggis Depok.

Mendapati informasi tersebut petugas lalu melakukan penangkapan kepada para tersangka.”Gun telah ditangkap yang saat itu sebagai bandar, sedang bermain judi koprok bersama enam orang lainya JR, AS, YI, AR, JS dan WY, sedangkan RK alias Riki penyedia tempat,” jelasnya.

Adek juga menambahkan, permainan judi koprok yang telah dibandari oleh Gun tersebut telah dilakukan dengan lebih dahulu mengocok mata dadu dengan tempurung  yang di dalamnya ada dua mata dadu, setelah dikocok, yang dapat atau menang yang sesuai dengan angka dadu yang dikocok atau yang keluar. “Pemasang yang telah membuat taruhan misal 1.000 akan dibayar bandar dengan sesuai taruhannya,” jelasnya.

Untuk dapat mempertanggung jawabkan perbuatannya, kini kedua tersangka tersebut tengah mendekam di ruang tahanan Mapolda metro Jaya, berikut barang bukti yang telah diamankan dari tangan pelaku, satu buah lapak dari trapal, dua set alat judi koprok berbentuk batok (tempurung) enam buah mata dadu, serta uang sejumlah Rp535.000. “Tersangka telah di jerat dengan pasal 303 KUHP jo pasal 303 bis KUHP dengan ancaman hukuman 10 tahun penjara,” pungkasnya.

Editor : Dian Sukmawati

Over the last five years or so, it seemed there was little that Dean G. Skelos, the majority leader of the New York Senate, would not do for his son.

He pressed a powerful real estate executive to provide commissions to his son, a 32-year-old title insurance salesman, according to a federal criminal complaint. He helped get him a job at an environmental company and employed his influence to help the company get government work. He used his office to push natural gas drilling regulations that would have increased his son’s commissions.

He even tried to direct part of a $5.4 billion state budget windfall to fund government contracts that the company was seeking. And when the company was close to securing a storm-water contract from Nassau County, the senator, through an intermediary, pressured the company to pay his son more — or risk having the senator subvert the bid.

The criminal complaint, unsealed on Monday, lays out corruption charges against Senator Skelos and his son, Adam B. Skelos, the latest scandal to seize Albany, and potentially alter its power structure.

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The repeated and diverse efforts by Senator Skelos, a Long Island Republican, to use what prosecutors said was his political influence to find work, or at least income, for his son could send both men to federal prison. If they are convicted of all six charges against them, they face up to 20 years in prison for each of four of the six counts and up to 10 years for the remaining two.

Senator Kenneth P. LaValle, of Long Island, who serves as chairman of the Republican conference, emerged from a closed-door meeting Monday night to say that conference members agreed that Mr. Skelos should be benefited the “presumption of innocence,” and would stay in his leadership role.

“The leader has indicated he would like to remain as leader,” said Mr. LaValle, “and he has the support of the conference.” The case against Mr. Skelos and his son grew out of a broader inquiry into political corruption by the United States attorney for the Southern District of New York, Preet Bharara, that has already changed the face of the state capital. It is based in part, according to the six-count complaint, on conversations secretly recorded by one of two cooperating witnesses, and wiretaps on the cellphones of the senator and his son. Those recordings revealed that both men were concerned about electronic surveillance, and illustrated the son’s unsuccessful efforts to thwart it.

Adam Skelos took to using a “burner” phone, the complaint says, and told his father he wanted them to speak through a FaceTime video call in an apparent effort to avoid detection. They also used coded language at times.

At one point, Adam Skelos was recorded telling a Senate staff member of his frustration in not being able to speak openly to his father on the phone, noting that he could not “just send smoke signals or a little pigeon” carrying a message.

The 43-page complaint, sworn out by Paul M. Takla, a special agent for the Federal Bureau of Investigation, outlines a five-year scheme to “monetize” the senator’s official position; it also lays bare the extent to which a father sought to use his position to help his son.

The charges accuse the two men of extorting payments through a real estate developer, Glenwood Management, based on Long Island, and the environmental company, AbTech Industries, in Scottsdale, Ariz., with the expectation that the money paid to Adam Skelos — nearly $220,000 in total — would influence his father’s actions.

Glenwood, one of the state’s most prolific campaign donors, had ties to AbTech through investments in the environmental firm’s parent company by Glenwood’s founding family and a senior executive.

The accusations in the complaint portray Senator Skelos as a man who, when it came to his son, was not shy about twisting arms, even in situations that might give other arm-twisters pause.

Seeking to help his son, Senator Skelos turned to the executive at Glenwood, which develops rental apartments in New York City and has much at stake when it comes to real estate legislation in Albany. The senator urged him to direct business to his son, who sold title insurance.

After much prodding, the executive, Charles C. Dorego, engineered a $20,000 payment to Adam Skelos from a title insurance company even though he did no work for the money. But far more lucrative was a consultant position that Mr. Dorego arranged for Adam Skelos at AbTech, which seeks government contracts to treat storm water. (Mr. Dorego is not identified by name in the complaint, but referred to only as CW-1, for Cooperating Witness 1.)

Senator Skelos appeared to take an active interest in his son’s new line of work. Adam Skelos sent him several drafts of his consulting agreement with AbTech, the complaint says, as well as the final deal that was struck.

“Mazel tov,” his father replied.

Senator Skelos sent relevant news articles to his son, including one about a sewage leak near Albany. When AbTech wanted to seek government contracts after Hurricane Sandy, the senator got on a conference call with his son and an AbTech executive, Bjornulf White, and offered advice. (Like Mr. Dorego, Mr. White is not named in the complaint, but referred to as CW-2.)

The assistance paid off: With the senator’s help, AbTech secured a contract worth up to $12 million from Nassau County, a big break for a struggling small business.

But the money was slow to materialize. The senator expressed impatience with county officials.

Adam Skelos, in a phone call with Mr. White in late December, suggested that his father would seek to punish the county. “I tell you this, the state is not going to do a [expletive] thing for the county,” he said.

Three days later, Senator Skelos pressed his case with the Nassau County executive, Edward P. Mangano, a fellow Republican. “Somebody feels like they’re just getting jerked around the last two years,” the senator said, referring to his son in what the complaint described as “coded language.”

The next day, the senator pursued the matter, as he and Mr. Mangano attended a wake for a slain New York City police officer. Senator Skelos then reassured his son, who called him while he was still at the wake. “All claims that are in will be taken care of,” the senator said.

AbTech’s fortunes appeared to weigh on his son. At one point in January, Adam Skelos told his father that if the company did not succeed, he would “lose the ability to pay for things.”

Making matters worse, in recent months, Senator Skelos and his son appeared to grow wary about who was watching them. In addition to making calls on the burner phone, Adam Skelos said he used the FaceTime video calling “because that doesn’t show up on the phone bill,” as he told Mr. White.

In late February, Adam Skelos arranged a pair of meetings between Mr. White and state senators; AbTech needed to win state legislation that would allow its contract to move beyond its initial stages. But Senator Skelos deemed the plan too risky and caused one of the meetings to be canceled.

In another recorded call, Adam Skelos, promising to be “very, very vague” on the phone, urged his father to allow the meeting. The senator offered a warning. “Right now we are in dangerous times, Adam,” he told him.

A month later, in another phone call that was recorded by the authorities, Adam Skelos complained that his father could not give him “real advice” about AbTech while the two men were speaking over the telephone.

“You can’t talk normally,” he told his father, “because it’s like [expletive] Preet Bharara is listening to every [expletive] phone call. It’s just [expletive] frustrating.”

“It is,” his father agreed.

WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.

The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.

But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.

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“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.

A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.

In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.

Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.

“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”

He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.

“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.

The book is to be released next week.

Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.

Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.

Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.

But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.

The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.

But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.

Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.

“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.

Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.

Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”

Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.

Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.

“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”