Biro Perjalanan Haji Umroh Bersama Mamah Dedeh di Cawang
Biro Perjalanan Haji Umroh Bersama Mamah Dedeh di Cawang Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.
Biro Perjalanan Haji Umroh Bersama Mamah Dedeh di Cawang Alhijaz Indowisata didirikan oleh Bapak H. Abdullah Djakfar Muksen pada tahun 2010. Merangkak dari kecil namun pasti, alhijaz berkembang pesat dari mulai penjualan tiket maskapai penerbangan domestik dan luar negeri, tour domestik hingga mengembangkan ke layanan jasa umrah dan haji khusus. Tak hanya itu, pada tahun 2011 Alhijaz kembali membuka divisi baru yaitu provider visa umrah yang bekerja sama dengan muassasah arab saudi. Sebagai komitmen legalitas perusahaan dalam melayani pelanggan dan jamaah secara aman dan profesional, saat ini perusahaan telah mengantongi izin resmi dari pemerintah melalui kementrian pariwisata, lalu izin haji khusus dan umrah dari kementrian agama. Selain itu perusahaan juga tergabung dalam komunitas organisasi travel nasional seperti Asita, komunitas penyelenggara umrah dan haji khusus yaitu HIMPUH dan organisasi internasional yaitu IATA.
saco-indonesia.com, Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi telah menemukan sejumlah kejanggalan dalam proyek Badan Penyelenggara Jaminan S
saco-indonesia.com, Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi telah menemukan sejumlah kejanggalan dalam proyek Badan Penyelenggara Jaminan Sosial (BPJS). Proyek tersebut berpotensi akan dapat menimbulkan tindak pidana korupsi.
Berdasarkan kajian KPK yang telah dilakukan pada Agustus-Desember 2013 lalu , telah ditemukan beberapa potensi masalah dalam pelaksanaan BPJS. Pertama, adanya konflik kepentingan dalam penyusunan anggaran dan rangkap jabatan. Penyusunan anggaran BPJS telah disusun oleh Direksi BPJS dan disetujui oleh Dewan Pengawas tanpa ada keterlibatan pemerintah dan pihak eksternal. Sedangkan anggaran Dewan Pengawas berasal dari anggaran BPJS juga.
"KPK telah merekomendasikan pemerintah merevisi UU 24/2011 ini untuk dapat melibatkan pihak eksternal dalam persetujuan dan pengelolaan dana operasional BPJS. KPK juga telah meminta pemerintah segera mengangkat Dewan Pengawas dan Direksi BPJS yang bersedia untuk tidak rangkap jabatan," kata Juru Bicara KPK, Johan Budi dalam siaran pers yang diterima, Selasa (11/2/2014).
Kedua, adanya potensi kecurangan dalam hal pelayanan. Rumah sakit berpotensi menaikkan klasifikasi atau diagnosis penyakit dari yang seharusnya, atau memecah tagihan untuk dapat memperbesar nilai penggantian. Ini dimaksudkan untuk mendapatkan klaim lebih besar dari yang seharusnya dibayar BPJS.
"Dari temuan ini kami juga telah mengimbau agar pelaksanaan program dilaksanakan dengan prinsip clean and good governance serta berhati-hati dalam pengelolaan anggaran agar mengedepankan kemanfaatan besar bagi masyarakat," kata Johan.
Ketiga, terkait pengawasan yang masih lemah. Pengawasan internal juga tidak mengantisipasi melonjaknya jumlah peserta BPJS yang melonjak, dari 20 juta (dulu dikelola askes), hingga lebih dari 111 juta peserta. Padahal perubahan ruang lingkup perlu diiringi dengan perubahan sistem dan pola pengawasan agar tidak terjadi korupsi.
Sedangkan di pengawasan eksternal, KPK telah melihat adanya ketidakjelasan area pengawasan. Saat ini ada tiga lembaga yang telah mengawasi BPJS yaitu DJSN, OJK, dan BPK. Namun, substansinya belum jelas.
"KPK telah merekomendasikan agar pengawasan publik juga diperlukan. Kami telah meminta agar CSO dan akademisi dilibatkan dalam pengawasan JKN. Sistem teknologi informasi juga perlu harus ditingkatkan," kata Johan.
Direktur Utama BPJS, Fahmi Idris juga menyatakan akan siap bekerjasama lebih jauh dengan KPK, termasuk sosialisasi potensi korupsi terhadap seluruh jajarannya. Dia setuju bila ada usulan revisi UU 24/2011 agar ada kejelasan peran pengawas eksternal secara substansi.
"Kami memang memerlukan pengawas pihak ketiga agar jangan sampai ada masalah dikemudian hari," kata Fahmi.
Dia juga menekankan, sebagai lembaga baru, BPJS telah memiliki sistem baru. Karena itu, butuh sosialisasi dan penyadaran kepada pihak terkait, termasuk Puskesmas dan rumah sakit yang memberikan layanan kepada masyarakat.
"Jangan ada yang coba-coba merekayasa diagnosis utama dan tambahan untuk mendapatkan klaim yang lebih besar. Kita harus kawal bersama," kata Fahmi Idris.
Editor : Dian Sukmawati
WISATA ROHANI ISLAM KE LIMA DESTINASI
Terletak di Timur Tengah, Mesir merupakan negara dengan dinasti tertua di dunia. Sebelum ada bangsa China dan bangsa lainnya. Pe
Terletak di Timur Tengah, Mesir merupakan negara dengan dinasti tertua di dunia. Sebelum ada bangsa China dan bangsa lainnya. Peradaban Mesir telah dimulai sejak 7.000 tahun yang lalu sehingga banyak orang yang mengatakan bahwa setiap jengkal tanah di Mesir menyimpan peristiwa sejarah tersendiri.
"Mesir adalah negara yang sangat penting bagi tiga agama yakni Islam, Kristen dan Yahudi karena memiliki sejarah ketiga agama tersebut sehingga banyak umatnya yang melakukan wisata rohani ke Mesir," ucap Alaa Elkasaas, seorang pemandu tur dari agen perjalanan Sito Tours Egypt yang ditemui VIVAlife di kantor ANTV, Jumat, 27 September 2013.
Pria kelahiran Mesir yang kala itu sedang mengunjungi Jakarta untuk pertama kalinya bercerita mengenai beberapa objek wisata rohani di Mesir yang populer dikunjungi umat muslim. Elkasaas yang mahir berbahasa Indonesia karena sering memandu pelancong asal Tanah Air yang berkunjung ke Mesir juga mengatakan mayoritas objek wisata tersebut adalah masjid serta makam tokoh-tokoh Islam. Berikut lima di antaranya.
1. Masjid Imam Syafi'i
Menurut Alaa Elkasaas, masjid yang satu ini banyak dikunjungi umat Islam di dunia terutama dari Indonesia karena banyak muslim Indonesia yang menganut Islam aliran Syafi'i. Masjid dengan kubah besar yang terbuat dari kayu tersebut merupakan salah satu masjid tua di Kairo. Di dalamnya terdapat makam Imam Syafi'i.
2. Benteng Salahuddin Ayyubi
Di benteng ini tersimpan banyak peninggalan sejarah seperti Masjid Alabaster, Masjid Sulaiman Pasha dan Dinding Yosep. Benteng tersebut dibangun pada tahun 1183 M oleh Shalahuddin Ayubi untuk mengawasi kota Kairo dari bukit Mukattam.
3. Masjid Mohamed Ali
Masjid ini sering disebut sebagai masjid pualam karena dindingnya yang memang dilapisi dengan pualam. Terletak di Benteng Salahuddin Ayyubi, masjid ini dibangun pada tahun 1830 M mengadaptasi model Ottoman dengan kubah megan setinggi 52 meter. Dua menara yang takl kalah tinggi yaitu 82 meter terletak di halamannya pun menghiasi masjid tersebut. Dari tempat ini, Anda dapat menikmati keindahan kota Kairo, Sungai Nil, bahkan piramida.
4. Masjid Al-Azhar
Terletak di tengah-tengah kota Kairo, masjid yang berada di depan Universitas Al-Azhar ini adalah masjid pertama yang dibangun oleh Dinasti Fathimiyyah. Kesan pertama saat melihat Masjid Al-Azhar pastilah megah karena bangunan dan menaranya yang indah. Di sini banyak terdapat benda-benda kuno berusia ratusan tahun.
5. Masjid Al-Hussein
Masjid terluas di Kairo ini juga merupakan monumen Islam sehingga banyak umat Islam dari seluruh penjuru dunia menyempatkan datang ke sini saat berkunjung ke Mesir. Masjid Al-Hussein sejak lama telah dinobatkan sebagai masjid negara.
Baltimore Residents Away From Turmoil Consider Their Role
BALTIMORE — In the afternoons, the streets of Locust Point are clean and nearly silent. In front of the rowhouses, potted plants rest next to steps of brick or concrete. There is a shopping center nearby with restaurants, and a grocery store filled with fresh foods.
And the National Guard and the police are largely absent. So, too, residents say, are worries about what happened a few miles away on April 27 when, in a space of hours, parts of this city became riot zones.
“They’re not our reality,” Ashley Fowler, 30, said on Monday at the restaurant where she works. “They’re not what we’re living right now. We live in, not to be racist, white America.”
As Baltimore considers its way forward after the violent unrest brought by the death of Freddie Gray, a 25-year-old black man who died of injuries he suffered while in police custody, residents in its predominantly white neighborhoods acknowledge that they are sometimes struggling to understand what beyond Mr. Gray’s death spurred the turmoil here. For many, the poverty and troubled schools of gritty West Baltimore are distant troubles, glimpsed only when they pass through the area on their way somewhere else.
And so neighborhoods of Baltimore are facing altogether different reckonings after Mr. Gray’s death. In mostly black communities like Sandtown-Winchester, where some of the most destructive rioting played out last week, residents are hoping businesses will reopen and that the police will change their strategies. But in mostly white areas like Canton and Locust Point, some residents wonder what role, if any, they should play in reimagining stretches of Baltimore where they do not live.
“Most of the people are kind of at a loss as to what they’re supposed to do,” said Dr. Richard Lamb, a dentist who has practiced in the same Locust Point office for nearly 39 years. “I listen to the news reports. I listen to the clergymen. I listen to the facts of the rampant unemployment and the lack of opportunities in the area. Listen, I pay my taxes. Exactly what can I do?”
And in Canton, where the restaurants have clever names like Nacho Mama’s and Holy Crepe Bakery and Café, Sara Bahr said solutions seemed out of reach for a proudly liberal city.
“I can only imagine how frustrated they must be,” said Ms. Bahr, 36, a nurse who was out with her 3-year-old daughter, Sally. “I just wish I knew how to solve poverty. I don’t know what to do to make it better.”
The day of unrest and the overwhelmingly peaceful demonstrations that followed led to hundreds of arrests, often for violations of the curfew imposed on the city for five consecutive nights while National Guard soldiers patrolled the streets. Although there were isolated instances of trouble in Canton, the neighborhood association said on its website, many parts of southeast Baltimore were physically untouched by the tumult.
Tensions in the city bubbled anew on Monday after reports that the police had wounded a black man in Northwest Baltimore. The authorities denied those reports and sent officers to talk with the crowds that gathered while other officers clutching shields blocked traffic at Pennsylvania and West North Avenues.
Lt. Col. Melvin Russell, a community police officer, said officers had stopped a man suspected of carrying a handgun and that “one of those rounds was spent.”
Colonel Russell said officers had not opened fire, “so we couldn’t have shot him.”
The colonel said the man had not been injured but was taken to a hospital as a precaution. Nearby, many people stood in disbelief, despite the efforts by the authorities to quash reports they described as “unfounded.”
Monday’s episode was a brief moment in a larger drama that has yielded anger and confusion. Although many people said they were familiar with accounts of the police harassing or intimidating residents, many in Canton and Locust Point said they had never experienced it themselves. When they watched the unrest, which many protesters said was fueled by feelings that they lived only on Baltimore’s margins, even those like Ms. Bahr who were pained by what they saw said they could scarcely comprehend the emotions associated with it.
But others, like Lambi Vasilakopoulos, who runs a casual restaurant in Canton, said they were incensed by what unfolded last week.
“What happened wasn’t called for. Protests are one thing; looting is another thing,” he said, adding, “We’re very frustrated because we’re the ones who are going to pay for this.”
There were pockets of optimism, though, that Baltimore would enter a period of reconciliation.
“I’m just hoping for peace,” Natalie Boies, 53, said in front of the Locust Point home where she has lived for 50 years. “Learn to love each other; be patient with each other; find justice; and care.”
A skeptical Mr. Vasilakopoulos predicted tensions would worsen.
“It cannot be fixed,” he said. “It’s going to get worse. Why? Because people don’t obey the laws. They don’t want to obey them.”
But there were few fears that the violence that plagued West Baltimore last week would play out on these relaxed streets. The authorities, Ms. Fowler said, would make sure of that.
“They kept us safe here,” she said. “I didn’t feel uncomfortable when I was in my house three blocks away from here. I knew I was going to be O.K. because I knew they weren’t going to let anyone come and loot our properties or our businesses or burn our cars.”
But an unusual assortment of players, including furniture makers, the Chinese government, Republicans from states with a large base of furniture manufacturing and even some Democrats who championed early regulatory efforts, have questioned the E.P.A. proposal. The sustained opposition has held sway, as the agency is now preparing to ease key testing requirements before it releases the landmark federal health standard.
The E.P.A.’s five-year effort to adopt this rule offers another example of how industry opposition can delay and hamper attempts by the federal government to issue regulations, even to control substances known to be harmful to human health.
Formaldehyde is a known carcinogen that can also cause respiratory ailments like asthma, but the potential of long-term exposure to cause cancers like myeloid leukemia is less well understood.
The E.P.A.’s decision would be the first time that the federal government has regulated formaldehyde inside most American homes.
“The stakes are high for public health,” said Tom Neltner, senior adviser for regulatory affairs at the National Center for Healthy Housing, who has closely monitored the debate over the rules. “What we can’t have here is an outcome that fails to confront the health threat we all know exists.”
The proposal would not ban formaldehyde — commonly used as an ingredient in wood glue in furniture and flooring — but it would impose rules that prevent dangerous levels of the chemical’s vapors from those products, and would set testing standards to ensure that products sold in the United States comply with those limits. The debate has sharpened in the face of growing concern about the safety of formaldehyde-treated flooring imported from Asia, especially China.
What is certain is that a lot of money is at stake: American companies sell billions of dollars’ worth of wood products each year that contain formaldehyde, and some argue that the proposed regulation would impose unfair costs and restrictions.
Determined to block the agency’s rule as proposed, these industry players have turned to the White House, members of Congress and top E.P.A. officials, pressing them to roll back the testing requirements in particular, calling them redundant and too expensive.
“There are potentially over a million manufacturing jobs that will be impacted if the proposed rule is finalized without changes,” wrote Bill Perdue, the chief lobbyist at the American Home Furnishings Alliance, a leading critic of the testing requirements in the proposed regulation, in one letter to the E.P.A.
Industry opposition helped create an odd alignment of forces working to thwart the rule. The White House moved to strike out key aspects of the proposal. Subsequent appeals for more changes were voiced by players as varied as Senator Barbara Boxer, Democrat of California, and Senator Roger Wicker, Republican of Mississippi, as well as furniture industry lobbyists.
Hurricane Katrina in 2005 helped ignite the public debate over formaldehyde, after the deadly storm destroyed or damaged hundreds of thousands of homes along the Gulf of Mexico, forcing families into temporary trailers provided by the Federal Emergency Management Agency.
The displaced storm victims quickly began reporting respiratory problems, burning eyes and other issues, and tests then confirmed high levels of formaldehyde fumes leaking into the air inside the trailers, which in many cases had been hastily constructed.
Public health advocates petitioned the E.P.A. to issue limits on formaldehyde in building materials and furniture used in homes, given that limits already existed for exposure in workplaces. But three years after the storm, only California had issued such limits.
Industry groups like the American Chemistry Council have repeatedly challenged the science linking formaldehyde to cancer, a position championed by David Vitter, the Republican senator from Louisiana, who is a major recipient of chemical industry campaign contributions, and whom environmental groups have mockingly nicknamed “Senator Formaldehyde.”
By 2010, public health advocates and some industry groups secured bipartisan support in Congress for legislation that ordered the E.P.A. to issue federal rules that largely mirrored California’s restrictions. At the time, concerns were rising over the growing number of lower-priced furniture imports from Asia that might include contaminated products, while also hurting sales of American-made products.
Maneuvering began almost immediately after the E.P.A. prepared draft rules to formally enact the new standards.
White House records show at least five meetings in mid-2012 with industry executives — kitchen cabinet makers, chemical manufacturers, furniture trade associations and their lobbyists, like Brock R. Landry, of the Venable law firm. These parties, along with Senator Vitter’s office, appealed to top administration officials, asking them to intervene to roll back the E.P.A. proposal.
The White House Office of Management and Budget, which reviews major federal regulations before they are adopted, apparently agreed. After the White House review, the E.P.A. “redlined” many of the estimates of the monetary benefits that would be gained by reductions in related health ailments, like asthma and fertility issues, documents reviewed by The New York Times show.
As a result, the estimated benefit of the proposed rule dropped to $48 million a year, from as much as $278 million a year. The much-reduced amount deeply weakened the agency’s justification for the sometimes costly new testing that would be required under the new rules, a federal official involved in the effort said.
“It’s a redlining blood bath,” said Lisa Heinzerling, a Georgetown University Law School professor and a former E.P.A. official, using the Washington phrase to describe when language is stricken from a proposed rule. “Almost the entire discussion of these potential benefits was excised.”
“That’s a huge difference,” said Luke Bolar, a spokesman for Mr. Vitter, of the reduced estimated financial benefits, saying the change was “clearly highlighting more mismanagement” at the E.P.A.
The review’s outcome galvanized opponents in the furniture industry. They then targeted a provision that mandated new testing of laminated wood, a cheaper alternative to hardwood. (The California standard on which the law was based did not require such testing.)
But E.P.A. scientists had concluded that these laminate products — millions of which are sold annually in the United States — posed a particular risk. They said that when thin layers of wood, also known as laminate or veneer, are added to furniture or flooring in the final stages of manufacturing, the resulting product can generate dangerous levels of fumes from often-used formaldehyde-based glues.
Industry executives, outraged by what they considered an unnecessary and financially burdensome level of testing, turned every lever within reach to get the requirement removed. It would be particularly onerous, they argued, for small manufacturers that would have to repeatedly interrupt their work to do expensive new testing. The E.P.A. estimated that the expanded requirements for laminate products would cost the furniture industry tens of millions of dollars annually, while the industry said that the proposed rule over all would cost its 7,000 American manufacturing facilities over $200 million each year.
“A lot of people don’t seem to appreciate what a lot of these requirements do to a small operation,” said Dick Titus, executive vice president of the Kitchen Cabinet Manufacturers Association, whose members are predominantly small businesses. “A 10-person shop, for example, just really isn’t equipped to handle that type of thing.”
Big industry players also weighed in. Executives from companies including La-Z-Boy, Hooker Furniture and Ashley Furniture all flew to Washington for a series of meetings with the offices of lawmakers including House Speaker John Boehner, Republican of Ohio, and about a dozen other lawmakers, asking several of them to sign a letter prepared by the industry to press the E.P.A. to back down, according to an industry report describing the lobbying visit.
The industry lobbyists also held their own meeting at E.P.A. headquarters, and they urged Jim Jones, who oversaw the rule-making process as the assistant administrator for the agency’s Office of Chemical Safety and Pollution Prevention, to visit a North Carolina furniture manufacturing plant. According to the trade group, Mr. Jones told them that the visit had “helped the agency shift its thinking” about the rules and how laminated products should be treated.
The resistance was particularly intense from lawmakers like Mr. Wicker of Mississippi, whose state is home to major manufacturing plants owned by Ashley Furniture Industries, the world’s largest furniture maker, and who is one of the biggest recipients in Congress of donations from the industry’s trade association. Asked if the political support played a role, a spokesman for Mr. Wicker replied: “Thousands of Mississippians depend on the furniture manufacturing industry for their livelihoods. Senator Wicker is committed to defending all Mississippians from government overreach.”
Individual companies like Ikea also intervened, as did the Chinese government, which claimed that the new rule would create a “great barrier” to the import of Chinese products because of higher costs.
Perhaps the most surprising objection came from Senator Boxer, of California, a longtime environmental advocate, whose office questioned why the E.P.A.’s rule went further than her home state’s in seeking testing on laminated products. “We did not advocate an outcome, other than safety,” her office said in a statement about why the senator raised concerns. “We said ‘Take a look to see if you have it right.’ ”
Safety advocates say that tighter restrictions — like the ones Ms. Boxer and Mr. Wicker, along with Representative Doris Matsui, a California Democrat, have questioned — are necessary, particularly for products coming from China, where items as varied as toys and Christmas lights have been found to violate American safety standards.
While Mr. Neltner, the environmental advocate who has been most involved in the review process, has been open to compromise, he has pressed the E.P.A. not to back down entirely, and to maintain a requirement that laminators verify that their products are safe.
An episode of CBS’s “60 Minutes” in March brought attention to the issue when it accused Lumber Liquidators, the discount flooring retailer, of selling laminate products with dangerous levels of formaldehyde. The company has disputed the show’s findings and test methods, maintaining that its products are safe.
“People think that just because Congress passed the legislation five years ago, the problem has been fixed,” said Becky Gillette, who then lived in coastal Mississippi, in the area hit by Hurricane Katrina, and was among the first to notice a pattern of complaints from people living in the trailers. “Real people’s faces and names come up in front of me when I think of the thousands of people who could get sick if this rule is not done right.”
An aide to Ms. Matsui rejected any suggestion that she was bending to industry pressure.
“From the beginning the public health has been our No. 1 concern,” said Kyle J. Victor, an aide to Ms. Matsui.
But further changes to the rule are likely, agency officials concede, as they say they are searching for a way to reduce the cost of complying with any final rule while maintaining public health goals. The question is just how radically the agency will revamp the testing requirement for laminated products — if it keeps it at all.
“It’s not a secret to anybody that is the most challenging issue,” said Mr. Jones, the E.P.A. official overseeing the process, adding that the health consequences from formaldehyde are real. “We have to reduce those exposures so that people can live healthy lives and not have to worry about being in their homes.”