Biro Perjalanan Umroh 2015 di Padang Hubungi 021-9929-2337 atau 0821-2406-5740 Alhijaz Indowisata adalah perusahaan swasta nasional yang bergerak di bidang tour dan travel. Nama Alhijaz terinspirasi dari istilah dua kota suci bagi umat islam pada zaman nabi Muhammad saw. yaitu Makkah dan Madinah. Dua kota yang penuh berkah sehingga diharapkan menular dalam kinerja perusahaan. Sedangkan Indowisata merupakan akronim dari kata indo yang berarti negara Indonesia dan wisata yang menjadi fokus usaha bisnis kami.
Biro Perjalanan Umroh 2015 di Padang Alhijaz Indowisata didirikan oleh Bapak H. Abdullah Djakfar Muksen pada tahun 2010. Merangkak dari kecil namun pasti, alhijaz berkembang pesat dari mulai penjualan tiket maskapai penerbangan domestik dan luar negeri, tour domestik hingga mengembangkan ke layanan jasa umrah dan haji khusus. Tak hanya itu, pada tahun 2011 Alhijaz kembali membuka divisi baru yaitu provider visa umrah yang bekerja sama dengan muassasah arab saudi. Sebagai komitmen legalitas perusahaan dalam melayani pelanggan dan jamaah secara aman dan profesional, saat ini perusahaan telah mengantongi izin resmi dari pemerintah melalui kementrian pariwisata, lalu izin haji khusus dan umrah dari kementrian agama. Selain itu perusahaan juga tergabung dalam komunitas organisasi travel nasional seperti Asita, komunitas penyelenggara umrah dan haji khusus yaitu HIMPUH dan organisasi internasional yaitu IATA.
BANJARNEGARA DITETAPAKAN SEBAGAI WILAYAH SIAGA DARURAT BENCANA
saco-indonesia.com, Bupati Banjarnegara Jawa Tengah, Sutedjo Slamet Utomo telah menetapkan wilayahnya dalam kondisi siaga darura
saco-indonesia.com, Bupati Banjarnegara Jawa Tengah, Sutedjo Slamet Utomo telah menetapkan wilayahnya dalam kondisi siaga darurat bencana. Penetapan tersebut telah dilakukan untuk dapat mengantisipasi bencana longsor yang hampir terjadi setiap tahun yang terjadi di Kabupaten Banjarnegara.
"Masa tanggap darurat longsor telah ditetapkan sejak 21 Desember 2013 hingga 3 Januari 2014 mendatang . Sedangkan masa siaga darurat longsor, banjir dan angin puting beliung akan ditetapkan mulai 1 Desember 2013 hingga 28 Februari 2014 mendatang ," kata Sutedjo.
Dalam rentang waktu sejak 19-24 Desember 2013, TELAH tercatat ada beberapa bencana alam yang terjadi di Kabupaten Banjarnegara. Bencana tersebut telah disebabkan oleh curah hujan yang deras, tingginya kerentanan dan batuan labil.
Dari catatan Pemkab, dalam seminggu terakhir, terdata 60 titik di 32 desa yang telah tersebar di 13 kecamatan terjadi bencana alam. Akibat dari bencana tersebut, telah menyebabkan 1 warga meninggal dunia. Sedangkan dalam bentuk kerugian material, sedikitnya 32 rumah rusak berat, 21 rusak sedang, 56 rusak ringan, 135 rumah terancam dan 46 kepala keluarga mengungsi di 5 desa.
Selain itu, kerusakan infrastruktur juga terjadi di 23 titik. Kerusakan infrastruktur telah meliputi jalan, jembatan, sekolah, dan irigasi. Total kerusakan diperkirakan telah mencapai Rp 1,4 miliar. "Saat ini upaya yang telah dilakukan oleh BPBD bersama TNI, Polri, relawan dan masyarakat dengan melakukan evakuasi, pendirian posko, pengiriman logistik, pembersihan material longsor," jelas Sutedjo.
Sementara itu, Kepala Badan Nasional Penanggulangan Bencana (BNPB), Syamsul Maarif, dalam kunjungan kerja ke lokasi longsor di Banjarnegara pada rabu (25/12) kemarin, telah mengapresiasi kinerja Pemkab Banjarnegara dalam penanganan bencana longsor. Selain itu, ia juga meminta adanya peraturan daerah dan pembangunan di Banjarnegara bisa menjauhkan warga dari risiko ketika hidup di daerah bencana alam.
"Bentuk Perda-nya bisa dengan aturan agar tempat hunian lama tidak dihuni kembali, setelah warga relokasi dan bisa dijadikan kawasan konservasi sehingga tidak timbul korban. Selain itu, penduduk juga harus dilibatkan dalam proses pembangunan," ujarnya.
Lebih jauh, ia juga menekankan program penghijauan yang dicanangkan Pemkab, tidak semata hanya berorientasi pada hijau daun, tetapi harus memberikan manfaat ekonomi. "Tanamannya harus mampu mengikat tanah dan ada nilai ekonominya, sehingga bio-engineering bisa dilakukan masyarakat," pesannya.
Dalam kesempatan tersebut, Syamsul juga menyerahkan bantuan dana siap pakai Rp 250 juta, serta logistik peralatan untuk penanganan darurat di Banjarnegara.
Editor : Dian sukmawati
JUAL BESI BETON SNI BANDUNG
Besi beton juga merupakan bahan baku utama dalam pembuatan sebuah bangunan agar dapat berdiri kokoh dan kuat seperti yang dihara
Besi beton juga merupakan bahan baku utama dalam pembuatan sebuah bangunan agar dapat berdiri kokoh dan kuat seperti yang diharapkan oleh yang membuatnya . bisa dibilang bahwa besi betonlah yang sebenarnya menjadi pondasi utama dalam membangun sebuah rumah atau pun yang lainnya.di salah satu kota di Indonesia ada yang menjual besi beton yang sudah terkenal dengan ketahanannya yang kuat dan juga harganya yang murah dibandingkan toko lainnya . kalian bisa nebak ga kota mana yang mejual besi beton SNI dengan ketahanan dan harga yang murah juga ? jawabannya adalah kota bandung , selain kota fashion , kota bandung juga memiliki besi beton SNI yang cukup kuat dan tahan lama untuk kalian yang sedang bingung mencari dimana tempat penjualan besi beton yang berkualitas dengan murah meriah dan yang pasti awet jika dipakai oleh kita alias tidak mudah rusak. Untuk membangun sebuah bangunan kan gak boleh asal-asalan guys, apalagi kalau soal bahan baku yang dipakai dalam pondasi seperti besi beton , pastinya harus kuat dan
kokoh agar bangunan yang kita buat akan tahan lama meskipun dimakan oleh usia yang lama sekalipun. Jadi segera datang ke kota bandung dan beli besi beton SNI bandung agar kalian bisa segera membangun impian kalian, tidak akan ada lagi deh yang menjual besi beton SNI dengan harga yang murah tapi kualitasnya terjamin .
Taiwan party leader affirms eventual reunion with China
BEIJING (AP) — The head of Taiwan's Nationalists reaffirmed the party's support for eventual unification with the mainland when he met Monday with Chinese President Xi Jinping as part of continuing rapprochement between the former bitter enemies.
Nationalist Party Chairman Eric Chu, a likely presidential candidate next year, also affirmed Taiwan's desire to join the proposed Chinese-led Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank during the meeting in Beijing. China claims Taiwan as its own territory and doesn't want the island to join using a name that might imply it is an independent country.
Chu's comments during his meeting with Xi were carried live on Hong Kong-based broadcaster Phoenix Television.
The Nationalists were driven to Taiwan by Mao Zedong's Communists during the Chinese civil war in 1949, leading to decades of hostility between the sides. Chu, who took over as party leader in January, is the third Nationalist chairman to visit the mainland and the first since 2009.
Relations between the communist-ruled mainland and the self-governing democratic island of Taiwan began to warm in the 1990s, partly out of their common opposition to Taiwan's formal independence from China, a position advocated by the island's Democratic Progressive Party.
Despite increasingly close economic ties, the prospect of political unification has grown increasingly unpopular on Taiwan, especially with younger voters. Opposition to the Nationalists' pro-China policies was seen as a driver behind heavy local electoral defeats for the party last year that led to Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou resigning as party chairman.
Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’
WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.
The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.
But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.
“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.
A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.
In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.
Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.
“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”
He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.
“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.
Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.
Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.
Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.
But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.
The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.
But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.
Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.
“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.
Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.
Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”
Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.
Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.
“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”